O silent raging stream of flame which courses
Its way into my heart and fingertips,
Burning to ash all my nerves as it forces
Its way into the light; and where it rips
My parched and cracking flesh, it steals away
Sensation, for I seem to grasp at air;
And next to truly holding you, can they,
Whether the earth, or breeze, or stream compare?
Beside you, they are not; so this desire
Extinguishes their substance into smoke,
A rumor which once warmed, but not a fire.
Existence signifies but to evoke.
--I only feel through you, if that is feeling,
--So pity me, in adoration kneeling.
Sunday, July 26, 2015
Thursday, July 9, 2015
Mary Poppins and Neleus' Father
Mary Poppins Tames the Winds
Aeolus in his island home
Was with his wayward flock,
When his four daughters in a fit,
Began to run amok.
The South Wind rumbled humidly
And made the North turn dark,
The East Wind threatened thunder-clouds,
The West began to bark.
So old Aeolus sore distraught,
Sought counsel from the sea,
And swam to old Poseidon's home
Where he dwelt merrily.
Twas there he saw young Neleus
Keeping a steady guard
And all his sea nymph sisters there
Assisting Neptune's ward.
He marvelled at their family,
Which put his own to shame,
And wondered what was different here,
Or if he was to blame.
"My lord, the warden of the sea,
I come to seek a boon,
For I am cursed with four young nymphs,
Who all blow out of tune.
"But here I see a pretty house
Where all your children stay;
They do not fuss and fume like mine
Nor misbehave at play."
"My liege, the keeper of the winds,
Who trouble my domain,
Do I not know when all your brood,
Have sprung the weather vane?
"But if you wish to know the cause
Of my domestic bliss,
It is a maid which I have hired
As nanny to my kids.
"She's like a god in all her pow'rs,
Were there a nymph so fair,
For she can tame the wildest beast,
And ride the wistful air.
"She's Mary like the merry finch,
And Poppins like herself,
The nanny of divinity,
A spritely, perfect elf.
"But Neleus is nearly grown
And all my nymphs are too,
And I would freely let her go
If she will go with you."
Aelous was beside himself
To be so fortunate,
If only Mary Poppins came
And set his household straight!
He had an awful interview
The strangest he had seen
For Mary questioned him the more
And made the wind come clean.
At last with one most tuneful sigh
And slightly hidden grin
She said, "spit spot" and went to work
Her magic once again.
So now the winds, though wayward still,
At least blow their own way,
And carry Mary Poppins where
She's needed most, they say.
Aeolus in his island home
Was with his wayward flock,
When his four daughters in a fit,
Began to run amok.
The South Wind rumbled humidly
And made the North turn dark,
The East Wind threatened thunder-clouds,
The West began to bark.
So old Aeolus sore distraught,
Sought counsel from the sea,
And swam to old Poseidon's home
Where he dwelt merrily.
Twas there he saw young Neleus
Keeping a steady guard
And all his sea nymph sisters there
Assisting Neptune's ward.
He marvelled at their family,
Which put his own to shame,
And wondered what was different here,
Or if he was to blame.
"My lord, the warden of the sea,
I come to seek a boon,
For I am cursed with four young nymphs,
Who all blow out of tune.
"But here I see a pretty house
Where all your children stay;
They do not fuss and fume like mine
Nor misbehave at play."
"My liege, the keeper of the winds,
Who trouble my domain,
Do I not know when all your brood,
Have sprung the weather vane?
"But if you wish to know the cause
Of my domestic bliss,
It is a maid which I have hired
As nanny to my kids.
"She's like a god in all her pow'rs,
Were there a nymph so fair,
For she can tame the wildest beast,
And ride the wistful air.
"She's Mary like the merry finch,
And Poppins like herself,
The nanny of divinity,
A spritely, perfect elf.
"But Neleus is nearly grown
And all my nymphs are too,
And I would freely let her go
If she will go with you."
Aelous was beside himself
To be so fortunate,
If only Mary Poppins came
And set his household straight!
He had an awful interview
The strangest he had seen
For Mary questioned him the more
And made the wind come clean.
At last with one most tuneful sigh
And slightly hidden grin
She said, "spit spot" and went to work
Her magic once again.
So now the winds, though wayward still,
At least blow their own way,
And carry Mary Poppins where
She's needed most, they say.
Thursday, July 2, 2015
A Love Poem (A Lantern to Outshine the Moon)
If I had half a dozen smiles like yours,
Trapped in a vase as lucid as your skin,
I'd make a lantern to outshine the moon,
And temples for your light to gather in.
Or if your gaze were trapped in iron doors,
Like tongues of flame against the winter's chill,
Then it would melt the hardest ice as soon
As it would thaw the hardness of my will.
But you have freedom through those lips of rose,
When pressed against my own which give release,
So do not let the stars be thus outshone,
But let my light in yours the more increase,
And with the fire that through my fingers flows,
Though I, in shadow, veil your deity,
Unbind my limbs who, frozen and alone,
Would bend my knees and worship ceaselessly.
Trapped in a vase as lucid as your skin,
I'd make a lantern to outshine the moon,
And temples for your light to gather in.
Or if your gaze were trapped in iron doors,
Like tongues of flame against the winter's chill,
Then it would melt the hardest ice as soon
As it would thaw the hardness of my will.
But you have freedom through those lips of rose,
When pressed against my own which give release,
So do not let the stars be thus outshone,
But let my light in yours the more increase,
And with the fire that through my fingers flows,
Though I, in shadow, veil your deity,
Unbind my limbs who, frozen and alone,
Would bend my knees and worship ceaselessly.
Wednesday, July 1, 2015
2015 Constitutional Amendment Wishlist
About once a year, I make a list of Constitutional amendments that I would like to see enacted, or would enact if made dictator for a day. Here they are, in outline, written in as simple language as I can manage.
Amendment I - Federal Ballot Initiative
A. Any bill, except one which would raise or create any tax, or amendment to the Constitution may be proposed on the petition of 1/5 of the state legislatures. The bill must clearly state whether it is proposing an amendment to the Constitution or a statute.
B. The bill shall then be presented to all voters in the following general election. If the bill proposes a statute, then it shall be passed if a majority of voters AND a majority of voters in more than half of the states approve it. If the bill proposes an amendment, then it must be approved by a majority of voters in each of 2/3 of the whole number of states and by a majority of those voting in the general election.
C. Any United States citizen over the age of 18, regardless of residency, shall be qualified to vote on referenda pursuant to this amendment, unless prevented by mental disability or incarceration as provided by law.
Amendment II - Election of the President and Vice President and a Federal Election Commission
A. The President shall be elected by the people of the United States directly.
B. If, after the first ballot, no candidate has received a majority of the votes cast, then, 6 weeks after the first election, a runoff election will be held between the candidates who received the two highest numbers of votes, and the person receiving the highest number will be elected. If there is a tie, it shall be decided by a joint session of the U.S. Congress, with each member having one vote.
C. The Vice President shall be elected separately in the same manner as the President.
D. The United States Senate shall appoint a Federal Election Commission, composed of nine members, including a chairman, to supervise Presidential and Vice Presidential elections, federal ballot initiatives, and other matters pertaining to federal elections as provided for by law. They shall serve terms of three years, with three members elected each year.
Amendment III - Proportional Representation in the House of Representatives
A. In each state, those parties or groups of individuals who qualify to nominate candidates for President of the United States shall also nominate a list of candidates, approved by their members, to be elected to the House of Representatives.
B. In casting ballots for President, voters shall simultaneously cast ballots for the persons nominated to the House of Representatives, whose names shall be clearly listed under each Presidential Candidate. The seats to which that state is entitled in the House of Representatives shall be filled proportional to the number of votes received by each Presidential candidate. If there are any remainders, they shall be given to the list of candidates which received the most votes.
C. If more than one list of candidates receives the highest number of votes, the remaining seats shall be given to that list which is favored by the Chief Executive of the state or by another body determined by state law.
D. Representatives shall serve terms of four years concurrent with the President, but shall not serve more than three terms.
(Just to give an example: In the 2012 elections in AR, Obama received 38% of the vote and Romney 60%. This would give the democrats one Representative in the House and the GOP 2, but since there was one remainder, it would go as a bonus to the GOP since they received the most votes, so there would be 3 GOP representatives and 1 Democratic representative. Whereas, in that same election, all four seats went Democrat, meaning that the percentage of seats won by Republicans (100%) was off by 40 Percent relative to their actual support. My proposal would reduce this to fifteen points, which is pretty good by political science standards.)
Amendment IV- Election of Supreme Court Members
A. The Supreme Court shall be composed of nine members elected by the people of the United States for terms of twelve years. No member shall serve more than three full terms.
B. In order for any person to stand as a candidate for the Supreme Court, he must be nominated by at least one-tenth of the Senate and be a licensed attorney in one of the states.
C. After this amendment is adopted, the Supreme Court shall, by lot, choose three of its members to resign their seat, which shall be filled at the next federal general election. After four years, another three shall be chosen by lot to resign their seats, which shall then be filled at the next general election, and finally, the remaining three shall resign their seats after another four years, so that every four years one-third of the Supreme Court is elected.
Amendment V - Jurisdiction of the Supreme CourtA. No federal court inferior to the Supreme Court shall hear a case which would invalidate the laws of any state or agency or municipality of a state.
B. The Supreme Court may not hear any case which would invalidate a state law without the consent of Senate.
Amendment VI - The National Guard and State Militias
A. No state militia or National Guard troops, whether established by state or federal law, may be called into the service of the United States except by the consent of both houses of Congress for a specific time and purpose, nor may they be deployed into any foreign country without the consent of the legislative power of the state from which those troops originate.
Amendment VII -Presidential Veto A. Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate shall, before it becomes a law, be presented to the President of the United States; if he approves, he shall sign it, but if not, he shall return it with his objections to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal and proceed to reconsider it. If after such reconsideration a majority (not two-thirds) of the whole number of members of that House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by a majority of the whole numberof members of that House, it shall become a law. But in all such cases the votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each House respectively.
B. If any bill shall not be returned to the President within seven days (Sundays and federal holidays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their adjournment prevent its return, in which case it shall not become a law.
Amendment VIII - Repeal of Federal LawsA. In order to repeal any federal law, the agreement of a majority of a whole number of the members in each House of Congress shall be required, but the consent of the President shall not be required or sought.
B. No law adopted by popular referendum may be repealed or amended by federal law within five years after its adoption except the same is effected by the petition of the states and a referendum as provided for by this Constitution.
Amendment IX - Guaranteeing all rights and privileges for citizens who are 18
A. No federal or state law may deny any right or privilege to any citizen who is eighteen years of age or older without due process.
Amendment X - Election of Senators
A. Senators shall be elected for terms of eight years by the people of each state.
B. After the first general election in consequence of this amendment, in which every Senator shall stand for election, the youngest member representing each state shall vacate his seat after four years, while the other Senator shall vacate his seat after eight years, so that every four years one-half of the Senate shall be elected.
C. No Senator may stand for election more than once consecutively.
Amendment XI - Recall of the President or Vice PresidentA. If a majority of both houses of Congress, by a resolution, indicate no-confidence in the President, Vice President, or any other executive officer of the United States, he shall be resign his office, effective when a successor is chosen.
B. If the President or Vice President are removed by a vote of no confidence, then a special election shall be held three months from the date that the resolution has been passed to elect either the President or Vice President (or both) who has been removed.
C. No resolution of no-confidence shall be valid within three months of a general election, either before or after.
Amendment I - Federal Ballot Initiative
A. Any bill, except one which would raise or create any tax, or amendment to the Constitution may be proposed on the petition of 1/5 of the state legislatures. The bill must clearly state whether it is proposing an amendment to the Constitution or a statute.
B. The bill shall then be presented to all voters in the following general election. If the bill proposes a statute, then it shall be passed if a majority of voters AND a majority of voters in more than half of the states approve it. If the bill proposes an amendment, then it must be approved by a majority of voters in each of 2/3 of the whole number of states and by a majority of those voting in the general election.
C. Any United States citizen over the age of 18, regardless of residency, shall be qualified to vote on referenda pursuant to this amendment, unless prevented by mental disability or incarceration as provided by law.
Amendment II - Election of the President and Vice President and a Federal Election Commission
A. The President shall be elected by the people of the United States directly.
B. If, after the first ballot, no candidate has received a majority of the votes cast, then, 6 weeks after the first election, a runoff election will be held between the candidates who received the two highest numbers of votes, and the person receiving the highest number will be elected. If there is a tie, it shall be decided by a joint session of the U.S. Congress, with each member having one vote.
C. The Vice President shall be elected separately in the same manner as the President.
D. The United States Senate shall appoint a Federal Election Commission, composed of nine members, including a chairman, to supervise Presidential and Vice Presidential elections, federal ballot initiatives, and other matters pertaining to federal elections as provided for by law. They shall serve terms of three years, with three members elected each year.
Amendment III - Proportional Representation in the House of Representatives
A. In each state, those parties or groups of individuals who qualify to nominate candidates for President of the United States shall also nominate a list of candidates, approved by their members, to be elected to the House of Representatives.
B. In casting ballots for President, voters shall simultaneously cast ballots for the persons nominated to the House of Representatives, whose names shall be clearly listed under each Presidential Candidate. The seats to which that state is entitled in the House of Representatives shall be filled proportional to the number of votes received by each Presidential candidate. If there are any remainders, they shall be given to the list of candidates which received the most votes.
C. If more than one list of candidates receives the highest number of votes, the remaining seats shall be given to that list which is favored by the Chief Executive of the state or by another body determined by state law.
D. Representatives shall serve terms of four years concurrent with the President, but shall not serve more than three terms.
(Just to give an example: In the 2012 elections in AR, Obama received 38% of the vote and Romney 60%. This would give the democrats one Representative in the House and the GOP 2, but since there was one remainder, it would go as a bonus to the GOP since they received the most votes, so there would be 3 GOP representatives and 1 Democratic representative. Whereas, in that same election, all four seats went Democrat, meaning that the percentage of seats won by Republicans (100%) was off by 40 Percent relative to their actual support. My proposal would reduce this to fifteen points, which is pretty good by political science standards.)
Amendment IV- Election of Supreme Court Members
A. The Supreme Court shall be composed of nine members elected by the people of the United States for terms of twelve years. No member shall serve more than three full terms.
B. In order for any person to stand as a candidate for the Supreme Court, he must be nominated by at least one-tenth of the Senate and be a licensed attorney in one of the states.
C. After this amendment is adopted, the Supreme Court shall, by lot, choose three of its members to resign their seat, which shall be filled at the next federal general election. After four years, another three shall be chosen by lot to resign their seats, which shall then be filled at the next general election, and finally, the remaining three shall resign their seats after another four years, so that every four years one-third of the Supreme Court is elected.
Amendment V - Jurisdiction of the Supreme CourtA. No federal court inferior to the Supreme Court shall hear a case which would invalidate the laws of any state or agency or municipality of a state.
B. The Supreme Court may not hear any case which would invalidate a state law without the consent of Senate.
Amendment VI - The National Guard and State Militias
A. No state militia or National Guard troops, whether established by state or federal law, may be called into the service of the United States except by the consent of both houses of Congress for a specific time and purpose, nor may they be deployed into any foreign country without the consent of the legislative power of the state from which those troops originate.
Amendment VII -Presidential Veto A. Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate shall, before it becomes a law, be presented to the President of the United States; if he approves, he shall sign it, but if not, he shall return it with his objections to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal and proceed to reconsider it. If after such reconsideration a majority (not two-thirds) of the whole number of members of that House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by a majority of the whole numberof members of that House, it shall become a law. But in all such cases the votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each House respectively.
B. If any bill shall not be returned to the President within seven days (Sundays and federal holidays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their adjournment prevent its return, in which case it shall not become a law.
Amendment VIII - Repeal of Federal LawsA. In order to repeal any federal law, the agreement of a majority of a whole number of the members in each House of Congress shall be required, but the consent of the President shall not be required or sought.
B. No law adopted by popular referendum may be repealed or amended by federal law within five years after its adoption except the same is effected by the petition of the states and a referendum as provided for by this Constitution.
Amendment IX - Guaranteeing all rights and privileges for citizens who are 18
A. No federal or state law may deny any right or privilege to any citizen who is eighteen years of age or older without due process.
Amendment X - Election of Senators
A. Senators shall be elected for terms of eight years by the people of each state.
B. After the first general election in consequence of this amendment, in which every Senator shall stand for election, the youngest member representing each state shall vacate his seat after four years, while the other Senator shall vacate his seat after eight years, so that every four years one-half of the Senate shall be elected.
C. No Senator may stand for election more than once consecutively.
Amendment XI - Recall of the President or Vice PresidentA. If a majority of both houses of Congress, by a resolution, indicate no-confidence in the President, Vice President, or any other executive officer of the United States, he shall be resign his office, effective when a successor is chosen.
B. If the President or Vice President are removed by a vote of no confidence, then a special election shall be held three months from the date that the resolution has been passed to elect either the President or Vice President (or both) who has been removed.
C. No resolution of no-confidence shall be valid within three months of a general election, either before or after.
Monday, June 29, 2015
Addiction (A Poem)
If I could flee the foot-worn path
Into contemplative retreat,
And shield my heart from Cupid's wrath,
My seeming joys would seem complete;
But all I have to flee the pain
Of love for you, yet unrequited,
Is to be numbed by self-disdain
Through revelry, yet not delighted.
For your embrace is more like wine
Than wine itself, and feeling it
Rush through my veins is form divine
Unmatched by any counterfeit.
Then slay each straying thought, and look
Once more at me, and cast a net
Into my heart, where I mistook
So many things before I set
My thoughts on you. And here I'm bound
To reel on dreams of opium,
Until, with you, at last I've found
Endless store of delirium.
Into contemplative retreat,
And shield my heart from Cupid's wrath,
My seeming joys would seem complete;
But all I have to flee the pain
Of love for you, yet unrequited,
Is to be numbed by self-disdain
Through revelry, yet not delighted.
For your embrace is more like wine
Than wine itself, and feeling it
Rush through my veins is form divine
Unmatched by any counterfeit.
Then slay each straying thought, and look
Once more at me, and cast a net
Into my heart, where I mistook
So many things before I set
My thoughts on you. And here I'm bound
To reel on dreams of opium,
Until, with you, at last I've found
Endless store of delirium.
Sunday, June 28, 2015
A Choirboy's View on Same-Sex Marriage
I want to start off this post with a little backstory on my relationship to homosexuality. From the time that I have been in high school, I have had gays, lesbians, and bisexuals among my closest circle of friends. This isn't surprising since I was in choir and band, and then I spent a good deal of my time after high school discerning for the Catholic priesthood. If you don't think you will run into a lot of homosexuals while discerning for the Catholic priesthood, you are gravely mistaken. ALMOST all of them are celebrating the decision made by the Supreme Court last week, and I have been watching my Facebook feed blow up like a cross between a three year-old with finger paints and a Care Bear stare. It's raining rainbows, and that's not even possible.
Now, among my group of friends, I would say that I am in the absolute minority in opposing the civil recognition of same-sex marriage. I respect their feelings on the matter, and I do not fault them for them, but I am a 1000% certain that most of them do not have the same respect for mine; many of them don't probably even know that I am opposed to it.
But let's back up. First off, I want to say that I am absolutely against ANY discrimination against a person on the mere basis of their sexual orientation. I am against this because my Catholic faith leads me to believe that every person is in the image of God, that they were made with challenges and talents (sometimes the same thing) just like everyone else, and that they have the right to pursue holiness and happiness just like everyone else. My Catholic faith loudly proclaims:
"They (homosexual persons) must be accepted with respect, compassion, and sensitivity. Every sign of unjust discrimination in their regard should be avoided." (CCC 2358)
It is for this reason that I generally conceal my opposition to same-sex marriage. If in any way my views or opinions on the matter prevent me from helping or being a friend to someone who identifies as gay, lesbian, trans, bi, or other, I want those to be minimized and to simply be present to that person as a loving Christian. On the other hand, I genuinely believe, and this is based on both faith and experience, that LGBTQ individuals will be happier, healthier, and more integrated if they adopt a lifestyle based on the teachings of Christ in the Catholic faith. That doesn't mean that they must try to "change their orientation", hide their identity, or that they will never fail. It simply means that they will integrate their view of sexuality with that of believing it to be a participation in the creative mystery of God. The Lord knows I fail on this almost constantly myself, so I don't expect anything different from anyone else. That's why, in the Catholic Church, we put Reconciliation and Healing at the center of our worship.
On the other hand, it seems almost ludicrous to me that, at the head of most movements raising the banner of "the sanctity of marriage" are Churches that are full of second, third, and fourth marriages, as if something can truly be sacred which is violated by almost every Christian denomination. As a Catholic, I can't help but think that unions, often even celebrated in Churches, which amount to no more than "I promise to file joint tax returns and have sex (+ contraception) with you until I can't stand you any more" aren't really any better than performing a same-sex marriage at the same altar. Same-sex marriage is rooted on the same philosophical premise as pretty much 85% of the marriages performed in this country, so it shouldn't really surprise anyone that the Supreme Court ruled that they should have the same protections.
I am worried about the effect that this will have on the relationship between religion and public life, particularly in places (like the South) where religion has enjoyed a position of high respect and privilege. In fact, it seems to me that the particular concern the founders (of both the nation and the states) showed to give religion that place of privilege in civic life, preclude us from judging those who oppose same-sex marriage on religious grounds, merely because those objections come from their religion. As the civic life, because of this ruling, takes on more and more of a different flavor from that which most of the populace is seeing and hearing preached in their Churches, we should expect those churches to do one of two things: either dwindle as fewer and fewer people are able to square their experience inside the Church with that outside the church or change their doctrinal stances to accommodate civil society, in which case they will also dwindle as ordinary people begin to see them as meaningless or extraneous. While I cannot agree with the institution of civil marriage as it previously existed in this country, I also can't agree with changing it, as changing it will, in general, lead to irreparable harm to the prevalence of religion in this country. Only if individuals' opinions were changed freely, through a fair and democratic process (not litigation), should an institution as ancient and venerable as marriage have been altered to accommodate those changes in perspective.
St. Aelred of Rievaulx, pray for us!
Now, among my group of friends, I would say that I am in the absolute minority in opposing the civil recognition of same-sex marriage. I respect their feelings on the matter, and I do not fault them for them, but I am a 1000% certain that most of them do not have the same respect for mine; many of them don't probably even know that I am opposed to it.
But let's back up. First off, I want to say that I am absolutely against ANY discrimination against a person on the mere basis of their sexual orientation. I am against this because my Catholic faith leads me to believe that every person is in the image of God, that they were made with challenges and talents (sometimes the same thing) just like everyone else, and that they have the right to pursue holiness and happiness just like everyone else. My Catholic faith loudly proclaims:
"They (homosexual persons) must be accepted with respect, compassion, and sensitivity. Every sign of unjust discrimination in their regard should be avoided." (CCC 2358)
It is for this reason that I generally conceal my opposition to same-sex marriage. If in any way my views or opinions on the matter prevent me from helping or being a friend to someone who identifies as gay, lesbian, trans, bi, or other, I want those to be minimized and to simply be present to that person as a loving Christian. On the other hand, I genuinely believe, and this is based on both faith and experience, that LGBTQ individuals will be happier, healthier, and more integrated if they adopt a lifestyle based on the teachings of Christ in the Catholic faith. That doesn't mean that they must try to "change their orientation", hide their identity, or that they will never fail. It simply means that they will integrate their view of sexuality with that of believing it to be a participation in the creative mystery of God. The Lord knows I fail on this almost constantly myself, so I don't expect anything different from anyone else. That's why, in the Catholic Church, we put Reconciliation and Healing at the center of our worship.
On the other hand, it seems almost ludicrous to me that, at the head of most movements raising the banner of "the sanctity of marriage" are Churches that are full of second, third, and fourth marriages, as if something can truly be sacred which is violated by almost every Christian denomination. As a Catholic, I can't help but think that unions, often even celebrated in Churches, which amount to no more than "I promise to file joint tax returns and have sex (+ contraception) with you until I can't stand you any more" aren't really any better than performing a same-sex marriage at the same altar. Same-sex marriage is rooted on the same philosophical premise as pretty much 85% of the marriages performed in this country, so it shouldn't really surprise anyone that the Supreme Court ruled that they should have the same protections.
I am worried about the effect that this will have on the relationship between religion and public life, particularly in places (like the South) where religion has enjoyed a position of high respect and privilege. In fact, it seems to me that the particular concern the founders (of both the nation and the states) showed to give religion that place of privilege in civic life, preclude us from judging those who oppose same-sex marriage on religious grounds, merely because those objections come from their religion. As the civic life, because of this ruling, takes on more and more of a different flavor from that which most of the populace is seeing and hearing preached in their Churches, we should expect those churches to do one of two things: either dwindle as fewer and fewer people are able to square their experience inside the Church with that outside the church or change their doctrinal stances to accommodate civil society, in which case they will also dwindle as ordinary people begin to see them as meaningless or extraneous. While I cannot agree with the institution of civil marriage as it previously existed in this country, I also can't agree with changing it, as changing it will, in general, lead to irreparable harm to the prevalence of religion in this country. Only if individuals' opinions were changed freely, through a fair and democratic process (not litigation), should an institution as ancient and venerable as marriage have been altered to accommodate those changes in perspective.
Thursday, June 25, 2015
The Confederate Flag: My Story
Lately there have been a lot of rumblings on the news and in social media around the Confederate Battle Flag. Essentially, these hinge on whether this is a symbol of hatred or bigotry and whether it ought to be removed from public spaces or even banned outright. I thought I would add my voice as a (mostly) white, Southern man.
As most of you know, I went to a school whose mascot was the "Rebels". Confederate imagery was everywhere. People brought Confederate flags to the games; the fight song was Dixie; and the school colors were red and grey. You can see a Confederate flag depicted on the sign in front of the school and, in my time at least, it hung proudly in the gymnasium.
That flag basically meant different things for different people in the community. For some of the more history-conscious folks, it represented Southern heritage and pride in our former status as a sovereign nation. It had a lot the same connotation as IRA symbols in Ireland: complicated, but still something that represented regional identity. For others, it was a symbol of rebellion against the "cultured" people up North. It was a statement that we were backwoods, gun-totin' rednecks and we were here to stay--and, perhaps, when we sobered up, "rise again".
For the vast majority of people in my community, neither of those things were the case. It was generally just intended as a symbol of our school, and the people from outside of our area who misappropriated it for nationalistic, racist, or even redneck imagery were seen as strangers who just didn't get it and who were likely to get us all in trouble.
As a young, (mostly) white man in the South, and as someone who had plenty of friends both north and south of the Mason-Dixon line, I was keenly aware of the cultural difference between Southern and Northern states. This difference cannot be reduced, or even characterized, by an increase in racism as you journey to Dixie. In fact, I never heard such racist comments as what I heard out of middle-class white people once I moved to Michigan and then Massachusetts. Where I had come from racism was a--to use a term I wholly disapprove of--"white trash" thing. I openly adopted the Southern banner as something that symbolized my country and my people. I owned one myself and hung it in my dorm room, much to the annoyance of some of my friends at Hope College.
After many highways and byways, I come to the present day. Not too long ago I dated a young African-American lady, and, in sensitivity to her feelings on the matter, removed my Confederate flag from my room. For her, the flag symbolized institutional racism and a history of slavery to others on the basis of her skin, and I felt (and still feel) that I needed to respect that. So, down it went, to be replaced proudly by my Arkansas state flag. (I know some are raising a fuss about that now, but really, it's a DIAMOND. We have diamonds in Arkansas.)
With all that in mind, let's take a look the main issue at stake here. Is the flag a symbol of racism, of states rights, or of Southern heritage? If my story tells you anything, it ought to be that the flag has many different meanings to many different people. Stating that one meaning (because it is negative) ought to preclude all other possible meanings seems simplistic to me.
Certainly, the flag can be used in a hateful, racist way, and it is, in fact, justifiably a complicated symbol due to its history. Yes, the Civil War was fought over slavery, despite what so many people argue. Just compare, side by side, the United States constitution with the Confederate States constitution. There are no additional provisions to maintain state sovereignty. There are only two substantial differences: the Confederate constitution provided for a President elected for one term of seven years instead of a repeatable four-year term (not that big of a deal), and the Bill of Rights therein included a provision that protects slavery as an institution for all time. If the states indeed fought for states' rights, they certainly didn't decide to state it in a legally binding document. Instead, they enshrined the right of people to deny other people their rights.
Again, we can look at the history of the Confederate flag as a symbol in places like South Carolina, where the flag was never flown on state grounds until the Civil Rights movement began in earnest. Here, the flag was definitely being used to intimidate the African-American community, to solidify the unjust system of segregation, and to ally the state with the Dixiecrat movement. It must come down.
All that being said, it seems to me that we also have to believe people when they tell us that the flag is not being used in a racist way. If we are to respect people's freedom of expression, if we are going to accept that individuals have enough sense to vote, to drive cars, to fly planes, and to pay taxes, we ought to at least take them at their word, until their actions prove them false. If a person displays the Confederate flag in a hostile or racist manner, sure, make them take it down; but if, on the other hand, the descendants (black and white) of Confederate veterans, the rednecks, the cultured Southern gentry, want to display it (peacefully) as a symbol of regional unity, then by all means let them, and leave your judgments at the door.
Let's not be naïve, though. In many (if not most) instances, the use of the Confederate flag is inappropriate in a civil context. The South needs to find new symbols, perhaps even ones based on their predominately Christian beliefs, to symbolize regional unity. We need a banner that all of us, black, white, Latino, or other, can unite around, because Washington bureaucrats are waging a war on our key cultural values, and we are going to need every person, regardless of color, creed, orientation, language, etc. to work together to stop them.
As most of you know, I went to a school whose mascot was the "Rebels". Confederate imagery was everywhere. People brought Confederate flags to the games; the fight song was Dixie; and the school colors were red and grey. You can see a Confederate flag depicted on the sign in front of the school and, in my time at least, it hung proudly in the gymnasium.
That flag basically meant different things for different people in the community. For some of the more history-conscious folks, it represented Southern heritage and pride in our former status as a sovereign nation. It had a lot the same connotation as IRA symbols in Ireland: complicated, but still something that represented regional identity. For others, it was a symbol of rebellion against the "cultured" people up North. It was a statement that we were backwoods, gun-totin' rednecks and we were here to stay--and, perhaps, when we sobered up, "rise again".
For the vast majority of people in my community, neither of those things were the case. It was generally just intended as a symbol of our school, and the people from outside of our area who misappropriated it for nationalistic, racist, or even redneck imagery were seen as strangers who just didn't get it and who were likely to get us all in trouble.
As a young, (mostly) white man in the South, and as someone who had plenty of friends both north and south of the Mason-Dixon line, I was keenly aware of the cultural difference between Southern and Northern states. This difference cannot be reduced, or even characterized, by an increase in racism as you journey to Dixie. In fact, I never heard such racist comments as what I heard out of middle-class white people once I moved to Michigan and then Massachusetts. Where I had come from racism was a--to use a term I wholly disapprove of--"white trash" thing. I openly adopted the Southern banner as something that symbolized my country and my people. I owned one myself and hung it in my dorm room, much to the annoyance of some of my friends at Hope College.
After many highways and byways, I come to the present day. Not too long ago I dated a young African-American lady, and, in sensitivity to her feelings on the matter, removed my Confederate flag from my room. For her, the flag symbolized institutional racism and a history of slavery to others on the basis of her skin, and I felt (and still feel) that I needed to respect that. So, down it went, to be replaced proudly by my Arkansas state flag. (I know some are raising a fuss about that now, but really, it's a DIAMOND. We have diamonds in Arkansas.)
With all that in mind, let's take a look the main issue at stake here. Is the flag a symbol of racism, of states rights, or of Southern heritage? If my story tells you anything, it ought to be that the flag has many different meanings to many different people. Stating that one meaning (because it is negative) ought to preclude all other possible meanings seems simplistic to me.
Certainly, the flag can be used in a hateful, racist way, and it is, in fact, justifiably a complicated symbol due to its history. Yes, the Civil War was fought over slavery, despite what so many people argue. Just compare, side by side, the United States constitution with the Confederate States constitution. There are no additional provisions to maintain state sovereignty. There are only two substantial differences: the Confederate constitution provided for a President elected for one term of seven years instead of a repeatable four-year term (not that big of a deal), and the Bill of Rights therein included a provision that protects slavery as an institution for all time. If the states indeed fought for states' rights, they certainly didn't decide to state it in a legally binding document. Instead, they enshrined the right of people to deny other people their rights.
Again, we can look at the history of the Confederate flag as a symbol in places like South Carolina, where the flag was never flown on state grounds until the Civil Rights movement began in earnest. Here, the flag was definitely being used to intimidate the African-American community, to solidify the unjust system of segregation, and to ally the state with the Dixiecrat movement. It must come down.
All that being said, it seems to me that we also have to believe people when they tell us that the flag is not being used in a racist way. If we are to respect people's freedom of expression, if we are going to accept that individuals have enough sense to vote, to drive cars, to fly planes, and to pay taxes, we ought to at least take them at their word, until their actions prove them false. If a person displays the Confederate flag in a hostile or racist manner, sure, make them take it down; but if, on the other hand, the descendants (black and white) of Confederate veterans, the rednecks, the cultured Southern gentry, want to display it (peacefully) as a symbol of regional unity, then by all means let them, and leave your judgments at the door.
Let's not be naïve, though. In many (if not most) instances, the use of the Confederate flag is inappropriate in a civil context. The South needs to find new symbols, perhaps even ones based on their predominately Christian beliefs, to symbolize regional unity. We need a banner that all of us, black, white, Latino, or other, can unite around, because Washington bureaucrats are waging a war on our key cultural values, and we are going to need every person, regardless of color, creed, orientation, language, etc. to work together to stop them.
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